The Entrapment Debate: Are Undercover Investigations Egregious
Conduct or Law Enforcement?
By Jennifer Johnson
'Entrapment', like 'morality', is a word that represents a concept very few
people fully understand; yet, is employed to convey the most vehement and
earnest of opinions. It is also a word we are hearing more and more of these
days -- at cocktail parties, on talk radio and, most importantly, in the
courtroom.
The issue of entrapment, as a matter of law, is not new; but, like all
things judicial, is of malleable interpretation and application, and thus
subject to incessant debate. The 1992 Supreme Court ruling in Jacobson v. United
States -- that law enforcement "may not originate a criminal design,
implant in an innocent person's mind the disposition to commit a criminal act,
and then induce commission of the crime so that the government may
prosecute"-- is far from determinate and nearly impossible to apply
literally to the myriad of follies capable of the human animal. This holds true
especially in the modern age of rapidly developing intangible and
all-encompassing technology, where the possibilities of criminal activity are as
limitless as the means available for their creation and implementation. In this
evolving environment, it is becoming increasingly difficult to justly interpret
the application of entrapment to criminal defense and police procedure; thus, it
is imperative that the foundation of its premise be fully grasped -- and not
only by those involved in the mechanics of the judicial system; but, also by
those whom that system is designed to serve.
Criminal cases involving possible or employed entrapment defenses are
popping up throughout the nation and receiving increasing media attention. The
fervent publicity surrounding these cases is bringing the entrapment debate out
of the realm of legal-ease and into the public repertoire.
One such case involves a Palm Harbor, Florida man, Dane Andrew Bozarth, 29,
who was arrested Mach 20 in Tampa on a felony charge of lewd and lascivious
conduct with a child. The charge came after Bozarth arranged a meeting with what
he thought to be a 15-year-old girl, whom he had met on the Internet two days
earlier. Hillsborough County detectives say Bozarth, a computer consultant, was
on a business trip in Denver when he met the 'girl' in cyberspace and initiated
a sexually explicit conversation with her.
The teen was actually a detective.
Such 'investigative' tactics are becoming increasingly common; in fact,
according to an April 1993 FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, "Law enforcement
officers often employ trickery and deception to catch those involved in criminal
activity." What might surprise you is that the bulletin was not designed to
discourage or reprimand such stratagem, but rather to spell out how law
enforcement officers can best conduct inquests so as to avoid "undercover
investigations (giving) rise to successful claims of entrapment."
Contrary to popular belief, executed properly, investigative means like
those used in the Bozarth case are perfectly acceptable under the current
perimeters of the law. The Supreme Court has recognized that when investigating
certain criminal behavior, police may lawfully use a wide array of undercover
techniques that, although delusive, do not constitute entrapment.
The question is: What does? And why does law enforcement seem to have such
extraordinary latitude to conduct lawful investigations that most would deem
Machiavellian?
Entrapment is defined, in criminal law, as an affirmative defense (one in
which the defendant has the burden of proof) which excuses a criminal defendant
from liability for crimes proved to have been induced by certain governmental
persuasion or deceit. Within this definition, there are two views of how
entrapment claims may be argued in the courts.
The first, prevailing view is 'subjective' and is used in Federal courts and
most State jurisdictions. It requires that a defendant demonstrate that, but for
the objectionable police conduct, he or she would not have committed a crime.
This means that the predisposition of a defendant to commit an offense is
balanced against the actions of the police.
The opposing, dissenting, view is 'objective' and permits an entrapment
defense that stresses the illicit governmental action without regard to
the defendant's criminal predisposition.
Although the mere presentation of opportunity does not constitute entrapment
under either test, the popular 'subjective' view is considerably less friendly
to the accused in that the prosecution is permitted to introduce evidence of the
defendant's character, past criminal convictions and rumored criminal activities
in relation to the defendant's predisposition to commit the crime rather than
focusing solely on the wrongfulness of government action.
Although some states do recognize the 'objective' presentation, entrapment
defenses argued in this country are almost always considered under the
'subjective' view. Accordingly, the principles and cases discussed in this
article focus on entrapment as it argued subjectively.
When considering entrapment defenses, courts deliberate four questions --
the acknowledged answers of which serve as guidelines by which it is determined
if an entrapment defense is relevant and can serve to exonerate a defendant for
crimes committed.
The first question considered is: Did law enforcement need reasonable
suspicion before targeting the accused in an undercover investigation?
Surprisingly, the answer is no. Numerous federal courts have held there is
no Federal Constitutional requirement for any level of suspicion to
initiate undercover operations. The courts have ruled there is no constitutional
right to be free of investigation and that the fact of an undercover
investigation having been initiated without suspicion does not bar the
convictions of those who rise to its bait.
So, a defendant cannot be exonerated of a crime on an entrapment claim even
if he or she can prove that police had no reason whatsoever to suspect even the
slightest of criminal inclinations. What they must prove is that were induced by
police to commit the crime. This leads us to the second of the four questions:
What constitutes inducement?
An officer merely approaching a defendant and requesting that they commit a
crime does not. To claim inducement, a defendant must prove he or she was unduly
persuaded, threatened, coerced, harassed or offered pleas based on sympathy or
friendship by police. A defendant must demonstrate that the government conduct
created a situation in which an otherwise law-abiding citizen would commit an
offense.
For example, in United States v. Young, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS)
placed an undercover female informant at an IRS site to investigate drug
activity. The informant became friendly with the male defendant, who hoped the
relationship would develop into a romantic one.
During the next four months, the defendant and the informant had contact at
work as well as frequent telephone conversations in which they discussed their
mutual marijuana habit and the availability of the drug. Five of these
conversations were initiated by the informant.
Sometime later, the informant indicated that she had marijuana available for
sale and the defendant agreed to find a buyer. The sale was arranged and the
defendant arrested and prosecuted.
Clearly inducement, right? Wrong. The court found that the level of contact
between the informant and the defendant was not such as to be harassing or
coercive. Nor was the friendship such that the defendant would feel compelled to
respond affirmatively to the informant's offer for some sort of personal, lawful
gain.
A converse example is that of United States v. Skarkie, in which a
government informant, who was a distant relative of the defendant's estranged
husband, moved in with her and asked her to put him in touch with people who
could sell him drugs. Initially, she declined; but, the informant continued to
pressure, and ultimately threatened, her. He impaled one of her chickens on a
stick and left it outside her back door and later stated that, "What
happened to the chicken can happen to people as well."
Skarkie subsequently took the informant to meet a source, who later brought
approximately three pounds of methamphetamine to her home. Skarkie and her
source were then arrested and tried.
In this case, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit found that the
Government did induce the defendant to break the law because the
informant initiated the idea of a drug sale, repeatedly pressured Skarkie to
agree to his plan and threatened her when she indicated that she was reluctant
to participate.
Even with the finding of obvious inducement, Skakie wasn't off the hook.
Courts that recognize the 'subjective' entrapment view require that a defendant
go further and disprove that he or she was not predisposed to commit the crime.
If this can't be done, even in proven circumstances of coercion and threats, the
entrapment defense fails. Thus arises the third question: What constitutes
evidence of predisposition?
Although they require predisposition to be proven (or disproved) above and
beyond inducement, most courts consider the two elements of entrapment to be
closely related and often the same evidence will establish both. There is a
primary distinction, though, between the two: Inducement focuses on the
government's conduct, while predisposition focuses on the defendant's actions
and statements.
Predisposition is not solely based on a defendant's previous criminal
engagements or inclinations. Even in the absence of such evidence,
predisposition may be established by showing the defendant's desire to make a
profit, an eagerness to participate in criminal activity or a quick response to
the government's inducement offer. Meaning, even in circumstances where there
was no reasonable suspicion to initiate an investigation, the defendant has
proven illicit tactics of government inducement and there is no record or
suspicion of criminal activity in the defendant's past, an entrapment defense
may still fail if the defendant engaged in the induced activity for profit,
monetary or otherwise, or he or she did not demonstrate marked reluctance.
The word 'draconian' comes to mind. It apparently also came to the minds of
those on the Supreme Court in 1973, who initiated a doctrine in hopes of
establishing a sort of 'checks and balances' to apply to arguments of
entrapment.
This doctrine is called 'the outrageous government conduct defense'.
It determines that, although proof of predisposition to commit a crime bars
application of the entrapment defense, "Fundamental fairness will not
permit a defendant to be convicted of a crime in which police conduct is deemed
'outrageous'." In very rare and limited circumstances, this defense
exonerates a defendant from criminal liability for crimes committed even when
predisposition has been established.
This doctrine is the subject of the fourth question: What is the viability
of the 'outrageous government conduct defense'? Prosecutors and law enforcement
officers continually question the legitimacy of the defense, while defense
advocates say its scope is much too limited.
By the courts, it is presently regarded as "theoretically viable where
the government is overly involved in the creation of a crime." What exactly
does that mean? There are those, both within, and outside of, the legal
profession, who would argue that such was the case in both Young and Skarkie;
but their arguments, as you have learned and in our present courts, would be to
no avail. The outrageous government conduct defense has proved successful only
in cases involving the most extraordinary degree of government
involvement or coercion.
*******
If, before you read this article, you were told of a place where
law enforcement officers could legally initiate an undercover investigation with
you as the target, go so far as to present you with both the opportunity and the
faculties to commit a crime, and then arrest you and convict you of that crime,
it's the last place you'd want to go.
Now you know you're already there -- U.S. federal law permits this to
happen.
But why?
'Outrageous government conduct' is prohibited by the Due Process Clause of
the fifth amendment to the U.S. Constitution.
The Supreme Court has ruled that, "[W]e may someday be presented with a
situation in which the conduct of law enforcement agents is so outrageous that
due process principles would absolutely bar the government from invoking
judicial processes to obtain a conviction..."
These facts seem to clearly support the notion the above scenario is
unlawful -- but it's not.
Thus, the entrapment debate is a heated and complex one -- its consequence
reaching far beyond the issue of justice being served to defendants charged as
the result of surreptitious investigations.
The arguments surrounding it, both for and against, revolve primarily around
the question of the clarity of the present laws. Is this but an unfortunate
symptom of well-intended ignorance?
Many think so, believing that entrapment is as well defined as any matter of
law; and, that the whole debate can be distilled to one question: What should be
regarded as 'outrageous'?
The answer to this question is elusive and cannot be found in any law book.
Nor will it be answered here. Nonetheless, it must be pursued -- and it is the
duty of each and every American to do so. Because, until this questions is
answered determinably and in fairness, one of our most basic rights -- that of
due process -- will be, and remain, threatened.